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The final sample comprised of an adult population of both sexes aged between 22 and 63 years. Among the interviewees, there were nine female participants and seven male participants. Disability is a heterogeneous, intersectional and multi-dimensional phenomenon. People who are classified as disabled do not only differ in regard to their gender, age or racial background, but also in regard to the types and degrees of their impairments body functions and structures [ 53 ].


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  8. All types of impairments were represented, with a higher prevalence of physical impairments six participants and the lowest prevalence of sensory impairments two participants. Depending on the experiences the interviewees shared with the interviewer, the major part of the interview guideline included less structured open-ended questions that allowed us to investigate issues and areas that came up during the interview process and that had not been thought about prior to the interviews [ 54 ] p.

    At the end of the interview guideline, a set of questions sought socio-demographic information, such as sex, age, income, and type of disability.

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    Prior to the interviews, participants were informed about the purpose of the study. The interviews were only conducted with the informed consent of the participant and in an accessible mode. On average, the interviews lasted about an hour and were recorded in full. The data collected through the in-depth interviews, the de facto data, was integrated in a coding scheme. The present research used NVivo 10, computer software also used by the DRPI project to code and organise information from the individual interviews. The purpose of coding is to convert qualitative data into quantifiable data that offers the possibility for comparative methods [ 55 ] p.

    Dignity refers to the inherent worth of every person. Autonomy means that a person is able to make his or her own choices independently or with assistance and support. The lack of opportunities and alternative choices due to limited or no adequate information is also considered a violation to the principle of autonomy [ 18 , 57 ].

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    Inclusion is the right of all persons to participate fully and effectively in society. If persons with disabilities are absolutely prevented from participating in an event or activity due to accessibility restrictions, the situation was coded as a violation to the right of inclusion or exclusion [ 57 ] p. Although physical barriers such as inaccessible public transportation systems are the most obvious restrictions to full participation, spatial exclusion is only one aspect.

    Discriminatory attitudes and paternalistic worldviews in which disabled people are perceived as inferior also facilitate social exclusion and were coded as such [ 58 ].

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    Discrimination and non-equality occurs when any distinction, exclusion or restriction on the basis of disability denies the effective recognition, enjoyment or exercise of human rights and basic freedoms on an equal basis with others. In the context of disability, formal equality, which means to treat all human beings equal regardless of their human characteristics, often puts disabled people in a disadvantaged position because reasonable accommodation and accessibility is not provided [ 17 ].

    Such formal equality was coded as discrimination and inequality. Respect for difference involves recognising and accepting persons with disabilities as part of human diversity. It includes having disability-related needs properly addressed. In regard to occupation status, the majority of participants nine persons were working in sheltered employment; the remaining seven participants had a paid occupation in the open labour market at the time of the interview.

    Comparing occupation status with the type of disability, there was a correlation between the type of disability and occupation status. All participants who had an intellectual or a psycho-social disability worked in sheltered employment. In contrast, five out of the six participants with a physical disability and all participants with a sensory disability had a paid occupation in the open labour market. These results are consistent with official figures regarding people working in sheltered workshops. In , The sample further indicated that academic qualifications connect with occupation status.

    In Germany, a well-established infrastructure of special schools exists which provide special schooling for children with disabilities. Special schools are adapted to the needs of their students.

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    In general, there are fewer students in class, the teachers are trained and technical equipment is provided. The aim in any special school is the completion of a mainstream secondary school certificate. Students who are not able to achieve this goal due to their disability can gain a special education degree after year nine or ten. In Germany, the special education degree is of less value than a regular certificate of students completing year nine or ten of mainstream schooling.

    Only one research participant with a special education degree was working in the open labour market. Of the nine interviewees who worked in sheltered employment, five had a special education degree, one had no degree, two completed the first cycle primary school and one interviewee was attending middle school until year These numbers indicate that for many people attending special schools in particular, people with intellectual disabilities the only possibility to participate in working life seems to be in sheltered employment.

    For many years, this one-way route has been subject to widespread criticism. Two of the five interviewees with an intellectual disability had been directly admitted from a special school to a sheltered workshop. The ISB gGmbH report further revealed that the majority of people who have been working in the open labour market prior to their admission to a sheltered workshop have a psycho-social disability [ 37 ] p.

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    Two of the three interviewees who had a psycho-social disability had been working in the open labour market prior to their admission to a sheltered workshop. These two participants disclosed that prior to their admission to the sheltered workshop they both experienced long periods of unemployment, in which they were undergoing medical treatments and diverse rehabilitation therapies.

    Considering human rights principles, all participants reported at least one situation related to work and employment in which they felt that human rights principles were protected or violated. None of the interviewees experienced violations in regard to all five principles; however, three participants reported that four out of the five human rights principles considered in this study had been violated.

    Six participants reported that three human rights principles had been violated. Depending on the type of disability, the experienced human rights implications differed to a great extent; while people with an intellectual disability reported a high prevalence of exclusion four out of the five interviewees , people with a physical disability reported the highest prevalence of feeling discriminated against five out of six interviewees see Figure 1 below.

    If we compare the source of income and occupation status, one result stands out. All participants working in a sheltered workshop depended on additional sources of income. While six out of the seven participants who worked in the open labour market had a sustainable income, all participants who worked in sheltered workshops depended on additional support in the form of welfare or pension payments.

    One participant outlined their difficult financial situation as follows:. The results indicate that work in a sheltered workshop does not comply with the concept of decent work [ 59 ] and article 27 of the CRPD, which outlines that the right to work includes the right to the opportunity to gain a living by work. The fact that all interviewees with a psycho-social disability experienced a situation in the context of sheltered employment in which they felt that their dignity had been violated sustains the argument that sheltered employment probably implies undignified work.

    The experiences of the study participants with a psycho-social disability who felt disrespected and devalued in the context of sheltered work was caused by the organisation and structure of sheltered workshops. In sheltered workshops, disabled co-workers disabled people who are admitted to sheltered workshops due to their incapacity to work in the open labour market and people who work in the sheltered workshops as regular employees such as supervisors, social workers etc.

    Consequently, they are not covered by national or EU labour law and reimbursement is very low. The feeling that comes along with such a differentiation was described by one female participant as follows:. The interviewee outlined that her feeling of being of less worth was linked to the fact that, whereas non-disabled employees, such as supervisors and social workers, have an extra room where they can make coffee or tea during breaks, disabled workers have no such facilities and the disabled co-workers are not allowed to use the same room as their supervisors.

    Hurt feelings, low self-esteem, lack of confidence, depression and sadness were also caused by the type of work disabled co-workers had to undertake in a sheltered workshop, as another interviewee with a psycho-social disability described:. I am not getting motivated and I do not have the feeling that I am needed. The interviewee defined his work as monotone and boring, because he has to always do the same tasks. Furthermore, he has no control about the work tasks he is obliged to do.

    Hence, the work is not giving him a sense of purposefulness and he is not challenged by the work he is doing. The fact that monotone work often causes undignified work conditions has already been outlined in the context of industrial labour processes [ 60 ]. Additionally, exclusion was most predominant among people with an intellectual disability see graph above. Four out of five participants with an intellectual disability reported situations in which they felt excluded.

    These experiences were in two cases directly linked to the segregated nature of sheltered workshops: in one case, the bus that takes the participant to the sheltered workshops was not a regular public bus, but a specific bus which stigmatises the passengers as different. For this participant, this caused discrimination and led to the feeling that he was excluded from wider society:. Hence people know that the passengers of the bus are working in a sheltered workshop.

    As Reeve claims, such types of support e. In another case, the direct admission from a special school to a sheltered workshop was described as a structural barrier that prevented inclusion into mainstream support measures and the open labour market:.

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    The interviewee lacked the relevant information about alternative options. At the time, when she finished her special school education in , she wanted to work in the open labour market as a storekeeper or in a similar position. However, she thought she had no possibility of working in the open labour market. She was not given any relevant information about exiting support measures, which were rare at that time.

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    She was instead admitted to the closest sheltered workshop, as were all her other classmates.